Theoretical Concerns of Remediation: Peer Contributions to Anthropological Theory

            After reading several ANTH 378 student blogs, I was struck by the crossover of theoretical concerns regarding the reuse of media and its effects between the “Jai Ho” blog (assignment 3) and the blog dedicated to case studies of appropriate and inappropriate media use (assignment 5). Larissa Dziubenko’s (2011) “Walter Benjamin’s Aura, Copies and Jai Ho” and Jacqueline Ferland’s (2011) “Feminists, Fairy Tales, and Porn: the Issues of Identity and Remediation” provide particularly interesting, and somewhat congruent, insights into the theoretical concerns of remediation and its cultural effects as discussed by other scholars, especially pertaining to Walter Benjamin’s (1936) views on the reproduction of art and its effect of lost ‘aura’.

            In “Walter Benjamin’s Aura, Copies and Jai Ho”, Dziubenko (2011) first provides an overview of Benjamin’s (1936) suggestion that when art is copied it loses its aura, the sense of authenticity that stems from the original pieces. Dziubenko (2011) uses this theoretical suggestion regarding reproduction in application to case studies of YouTube videos that duplicate the original “Jai Ho” videos in their own reappropriated ways. These case studies provide fertile grounds for adding to the body of knowledge regarding remediation and its effects on the original piece. Upon study, she argues that the aura is indeed destroyed when copying the original “Jai Ho”, as the videos are duplicated on the internet in multitudes, thereby decreasing uniqueness. Also, aura is lost because a camera’s mediation from original object of filming to viewing causes the loss of the performer’s aura: Only portions of each of the duplication videos are similar to that of the official Slumdog Millionaire video. Dziubenko (2011) argues that another way in which the aura of the original is jeopardized is through several alterations of the original: the Pussycat Dolls, for example, keep the melody; however, they change major components like the lyrics, setting, and costume—all of which in turn deteriorate the underlying message of the original song. In this blog entry, Dziubenko (2011) clearly takes the stance that the recreations of “Jai Ho” do not do justice to the original and ultimately cause a loss of aura. She contributes to the Anthropology of media by lending credence to Benjamin’s (1936) suggestion that reduplication causes loss of the original’s aura through, what she suggests, is the loss of original identity and message.

            In a different context, Ferland’s (2011) “Feminists, Fairy Tales, and Porn: the Issues of Identity and Remediation”, which is a take on Novak’s (2010) analysis of the remediation of “Jaan Pehechan Ho”, provides a case study of two instances of remediation: the Vagina Monologues, which is viewed as appropriate, and a pornographic remake of “Alice in Wonderland,” which can be perceived as inappropriate. She argues that remediation of the Vagina Monologues is acceptable because each production adds its own elements to a concrete underlying original performance with the same stories and same message that ultimately facilitates feminism. In contrast, the pornographic version is of “Alice in Wonderland,” which takes the spin of an Alice who is a “virginal librarian” who wants to have sex with her boyfriend. This film is inappropriately reproduced because, as Ferland (2011) argues, the pornographic film loses the original message and identity of the story, which is supposed to be of “discovery, wonderment, and joy” for children. She also mentions Benjamin’s (1936) notion of aura as being lost because the original has been so far “tampered with for means of adult explicit entertainment.” Her work is important to the Anthropology of media in terms of contributing to notions of what principles are important in determining whether remediation is acceptable or not: Ferland (2011) clearly takes the stance that if the message and identity of the original, in her example feminism and original story, transcend into the duplication, the reuse is considered acceptable.  

            In these blogs, both Dziubenko (2011) and Ferland (2011) ultimately argue that it is imperative for the message of the original media to be kept intact upon reproduction. Their suggestion provides insight into the importance of keeping the ‘aura’ of originals alive, as other scholars like Benjamin (1936) have previously discussed, and helps in understanding what principles ultimately determine whether the reappropriation in remediation is acceptable or not.

References Cited

Benjamin, Walter

     1936   The Work of Art in the Age of Its Technological Reproducibility. In Walter Benjamin: Selected Writings, Volume 3: 1935-1938. Cambridge Mass: Harvard University Press.

Dziubenko, Larissa

     2011   Walter Benjamin’s Aura, Copies and Jai Ho. http://cultureandmedia378.blogspot.com/,             accessed March 31, 2011.

Ferland, Jacqueline

     2011   Feminists, Fairy Tales, and Porn: the Issues of Identity and Remediation.             http://sexdrugsandacademia.wordpress.com/, accessed March 31, 2011.

Novak, David

     2010   Cosmopolitanism, Remediation, and the Ghost World of Bollywood. Cultural   Anthropology 25(1):40-72.

Dersu Uzala Through a Structuralist Lens

            In “Cinema: A Visual Anthropology”, Gray (2010:53-55) outlines structuralist film theory, which draws heavily on the work of structural theorists like Lévi-Strauss and linguists like Saussure. Structuralism’s salient tenet is that “humans engage with, make sense of, and function in the world through sets of binary oppositions” (Gray 2010:53). Moreover, these binary oppositions have a ‘grey’ area in which there are aspects of both sides. This transitional area can be understood through studying its, often liminal, stages. According to structuralism, these transitional areas are frequently explained by humans through myth and ritual (Gray 2010:54). By applying structuralist film theory, any film can be analysed in regards to the binaries and their margins, like good/bad, inside/outside, nature/culture, etc. For example, Gray (2010:53-54) discusses a structural analysis of Star Wars, as it follows a ‘universal script’ that perpetuates the binary of good/bad. With a structuralist lens, I can think of binaries in every movie I have ever seen; however, for the purpose of this blog, I discuss the film Dersu Uzala through a structuralist lens and its primary binary of nature/culture, and other supplementary binaries that manifest within it.

            Gray (2010:55) discusses Peter Wollen’s analysis of the cinematic works of the director Ford. In his films, Wollen notes a strong binary of nature/culture that is perpetuated by further oppositions like settler/nomad, European/Indian, civilised/savage, book/gun. While watching Dersu Uzala, I was struck by how many of these binaries were present in its plot. Dersu Uzala (1975) is a Soviet-Japanese film from 1975 that describes Vladimir Arseniev’s exploration and experience of rugged regions of Siberia. Similar to Ford’s films, the plot of the story perpetuates the larger binary of culture/nature, and its manifesting binaries: European/Aboriginal, civility/wilderness, and advanced technology/ ‘primitive’ technology. These dichotomies are very strong towards the beginning of the film, where Uzala is seen as uneducated and primitive, and progress to be less clear-cut, through the portrayal of the grey, transitional areas.

            In the film (Dersu Uzala 1975), Captain Arseniev meets an Aboriginal Nanai man, Dersu Uzala, who guides him and his men through Shkotovo in 1902 and once again in 1907. Throughout their journey, Dersu Uzala represents the seemingly inferior ‘nature’ binary, while Arseniev and his men represent the contrasting ‘culture’. Within this framework, Dersu Uzala is on the binary end of being Aboriginal, connected to the wilderness, and using ‘primitive’ nature-based technology. Conversely, Arseniev and his men are on the opposite end by being European, civilised, and having advanced technology in their culture. Nature and Dersu Uzala are initially portrayed as inferior; however, as the plot leads on Uzala and his connection with nature are responsible for saving the lives of the ‘cultured’ peoples twice: once from a blizzard by constructing a grass shelter and again in the second journey where Uzala saves Arseniev while crossing a treacherous river in a raft by getting him safely onto the shore. The binaries are further symbolically demonstrated at the end of the expedition when Uzala leaves the soldiers in a civilised area, by railroad tracks, and returns to the wilderness of the Siberian environment.

            Towards the end of the film, the binaries are blurred and less clear-cut when Uzala’s hunting abilities deteriorate with age, rendering him unable to hunt; He is therefore not as connected with the wilderness and ‘primitive’ technology. Arseniev brings Uzala into the city, which is symbolic of moving the Aboriginal person out of the wilderness and into the other side of the binary, civilisation in European modernity. There, Uzala is prevented by civilisation to do the things that he would do in the wilderness: hunt, chop wood, and build huts. Eventually he leaves back to the wilderness; however, Arseniev gives him a rifle—something that is ‘advanced’ and related to culture, and therefore does not belong in nature. I found the end of the movie to be very ironic and ultimately symbolic of possible trouble that happens when the binaries are mixed like this: Zuala was killed because somebody wanted to steal his rifle.

            Applying a structuralist lens to film is interesting in understanding contrasts that, as argued by structuralist, inherently manifest in the brain (Gray 2010:53). This framework seems to be very universal, as every movie I can think of, especially Dersu Uzala (1975), involves the binary of good/bad at some point, as well as a form of the nature/culture contrast. These large binaries can be dissected in their manifesting binaries, as Wollen has done of Ford’s film and I have done of Dersu Uzala, that may ultimately be significant in understanding the cultural framework of the movie’s producers, and the culture of the people portrayed in film.

References Cited

Gray, Gordon

     2010   Film Theory. In Cinema: A Visual Anthropology, Pp. 35-73. Oxford, New York: Berg.

Dersu Uzala

     1975   Akira Kurosawa, dir. 141 mins. Mosfilm. Soviet Union (Russia).

Surfing on Radio Waves: Unique Service and the (Re)Creation of Community

            The radio serves as form of media that reflects the nature of the community that it serves and simultaneously (re)creates community. Any radio station, mainstream or not, can be analysed in terms of these two processes as long as it has listeners and participants. For the purpose of this blog entry, I focus analysis on radio in Northern Australia, CBQM in Fort Macpherson, and in Guatemala in relation to how it serves its listeners and participants while creating community: In all of these three cases, the radio reflects the unique nature of each community and serves to perpetuate its goals and cultural values. Additionally, the notion of the ‘imagined community’ is salient in terms of how the radio creates community. The community that is created by the radio is largely imagined, parallel to Anderson’s (2000:6) notion of nations as ‘imagined communities’: Nations or communities are imagined because most people will never meet each other, yet they all are able to imagine themselves as part of a community that is connected to other individuals.

            Radio in Northern Australia among the Aboriginal peoples is managed by The Top End Aboriginal Bush Broadcasting Association (TEABBA) which was established “to train Indigenous people in the use of broadcasting gear” (Fisher 2009:283) so that they have their own voice for their own community. This station reflects the community through its broadcasts, primarily of requests, which are designed to maintain their kinship ties: Family is important to them, and the radio serves as a mechanism to (re)produce their cultural norms regarding kinship as they can dedicate songs to family members (Fisher 2009:283). Moreover, the radio serves to enforce the community’s postcolonial discourse in respects to their lost generations, as it has a distinct Aboriginal feel and connects separated family members. Creating an imagined radio community among the Aboriginal peoples in Australia is important because they are geographically separated due to colonialism and incarceration: Radio has the capability to mediate between the most remote corners around Northern Australia and (re)create community (Fisher 2009:281). Aboriginal families, dispersed members of Australia’s Stolen Generations, and incarcerated men and women are able to be ‘linked up’ with one another by the radio (Fisher 2009:282). The community created by radio is also unique to their area and people, as they do not broadcast in urban areas except when trying to connect to inmates in the Berrimah prison (Fisher 2009:285).

            As described by Tal Nitsan (2011), radio in Guatemala reflects women’s needs to have their own space through which they can voice their own opinions without being censored. Moreover, despite being presumably unsafe on the streets in Guatemala, this space has a distinct feminist perspective in that it serves as a resource to help women who are struggling to have a space of their own. The radio ultimately is used as a tool of voice and serves their community by reflecting the strength of women who are attempting to help other women. They are able to use ‘radio space’ as a means to demonstrate that they have a definitive space and community, despite suffering from gendered disparity. Moreover, radio is extremely imaginary because it is ‘airy’ and ‘illusive’—it has no touchable or visible sense to it; the created community is also imaginary, as people can only hear uncensored voices and assume others are listening to those same voices. There are many women who do not know how to read or write because they do not have the linguistic level or may not have time to read the newspaper: The radio, therefore, becomes an important mechanism as a communicative tool through which women are able to learn the news and activities, and thus be included in their imagined community.

            CBQM radio serves the small community of Fort Macpherson by facilitating daily activities, broadcasting relevant news, and perpetuating its strong Anglican beliefs. Community members are able to use the radio as a means through which they can learn about events being hosted in the community, and about problems in the community, like people egging houses (Allen 2010). Moreover, the radio reflects the laid back nature of Fort Macpherson through the use of live performances by community members. Because CBQM’s broadcasters are all members of the community, like a member of the RCMP, an aboriginal elder, their Anglican pastor, among others, they are able to directly air the needs and goals of the community themselves. Community is also created in Fort MacPherson through CBQM. As shown in the film, it seems like everyone tunes into the station daily, and therefore, everyone participates in the imagined community. CBQM is particularly unique in that it serves to help maintain the community by acting as a means through which people can communicate. For example, many people call in to ask the host if he or she can tell somebody else in the community to get off the phone (Allen 2010). Everyone in the (re)created radio community can then imagine that they are connected to the mentioned individuals because they are able to know what is happening in their lives at that moment.

            As discussed the radio, in various communities around the world like among the Aboriginal peoples in Northern Australia, in Fort Macpherson, and women in Guatemala, is important in transcending community beliefs into a public domain that in turn promotes their own unique goals and perpetuates their cultural values, which are largely kinship and post-colonial, feminist, and belief and entertainment based in each of the respective cases described above. The radio also serves to (re)create community, which is largely imagined, as the radio has an ‘airy’ feel that promotes the use of voice that participants can hear and connect to without being physically present or ever even meeting each other.

References Cited

Allen, Dennis

     2010   CBQM National Film Board of Canada.

Anderson, Benedict

     1983   Imagined Communities. New York: Verso.

Fisher, Daniel

     2009   Mediating Kinship: Country, Family, and Radio in Northern Australia. Cultural             Anthropology 24(2):280-312.

Nitsan, Tal

     2011  ANTH 378 Class Lecture. March 4, 2011. Vancouver, BC: UBC.

Smells Like a Good Parody...or a Prayer Gone Bad?

            Remediation, according to Novak (2010:41) is the process of “repurposing media for new contexts of use.” Novak (2010) illustrates remediation through the description of two different appearances of a song and dance, “Jaan Pehechaan Ho”, originally from the film Gunnaam (1965). He provides a discussion of two remediated cases of this song and dance that provoked different responses in regards to the appropriateness of its reuse: Audiences were in acceptance of the reappropriation of “Jaan Pehechaan Ho” when done in the Indi movie Ghost World, while its reuse triggered accusations of racism and protest when reappropriated by the band Heavenly Ten Stems in a live performance. The question as to what constitutes appropriate media reuse rests on what principles viewers deem as appropriate, which can be analysed in case studies of remediation, as Novak (2010) has done. Upon thinking about cases of remediation in music videos, I was struck by two separate cases which either provoked support and ambivalence, or protest to perceived vulgarity. My first example, a parody of “Smells Like Teen Spirit”, was perceived as a positive reuse of media, while my second example, Madonna’s reappropriation of Christian media in her video “Like a Prayer”, provoked condemnation of perceived vulgarity. Through my analysis of these videos I describe possible principles that facilitate different views regarding the acceptability of remediation.

            Weird Al Yankovic’s song and music video for “Smells Like Nirvana”  (YouTube 2011a), which is a light-hearted, comedic parody of Nirvana’s “Smells Like Teen Spirit,” (YouTube 2011b) is widely perceived as an acceptable case of remediation for several reasons. First of all, the re-made video is an actual impersonation in terms of it having significant resemblance of physical content to the original video (Figure 1&2); however, it is also recognizably separate because the lyrics are different, and are intended to probe at the fact that the original lyrics make little to no sense. Though mocking the video, it is clear that the impersonation is not viciously or personally attacking Nirvana in any way. “Smells Like Nirvana” could also be seen as acceptable because it does not involve the reuse of sacred, religious, or significant cultural symbols. Moreover, Weird Al Yankovic asked for Kurt Cobain’s permission prior to making the parody (Nirvana: Behind the Music 2007). Nirvana also was highly receptive of Yankovic’s completed work: Upon seeing the video for “Smells Like Nirvana”, the band reportedly laughed hysterically, credited Yankovic as “a musical genius,” and knew that they had “made it” after being parodied by him (Blackman 2007). Reappropriation can therefore be seen as a form of flattery and a signal of fame: In order to be remade, your work must first be known and, possibly, be overly-popular. Fans of Nirvana would also likely be supportive or ambivalent to this case of reappropriation because it was ultimately sanctioned by the band as funny and does not touch on any culturally sensitive issues.

            Conversely to this first example, some music videos that reappropriate media may be perceived as vulgar, and therefore can provoke protest—similar to the case of protests against Heavenly Ten Stem’s reuse of “Jaan Pehechaan Ho”. Madonna’s music video for “Like a Prayer” (YouTube 2011c) could be seen as highly inappropriate due to its extensive improper reappropriation of Christian media, like gospel-style music and religious symbols.  Interestingly, despite singing in the song, the Andrae Crouch gospel choir refused to be in the music video due to its inappropriate nature (SongFacts). As opposed to Weird Al, Madonna did not tell the Andrae Crouch gospel choir that the music video would somewhat parody Christian faith and media in advance of making the song. Permission, therefore, is a definitive principle in assessing whether reuse is appropriate. This music video blasphemously used Christian symbols, like the cross, which was burned behind Madonna while she danced, and crucifixion wounds, which were present on her hands. The vulgarity of the video also has to do with how Madonna danced and dressed in an inappropriate manner in a church, and how she also kissed a priest—breeching tenets of the Catholic Church. In this case, the video incorrectly reappropriates the norms found in Christianity, and Christian media, in an attempt of defiance, and to possibly create a publicity stunt. Moreover, the video sparked outrage by many Catholic groups who condemned the video so much that Pepsi pulled out of a $5 million endorsement deal with Madonna (Songfacts). This can be seen as a sign that media, like Madonna’s “Like a Prayer”, which reapproriates media, like Christian media, in a vulgar manner will likely not be reappropriated into further media, like commercials by Pepsi due to perceived inappropriateness.

            Novak’s (2010) study of the remediation of “Jaan Pehechaan Ho” brings up the interesting question of what principles facilitate positive reactions from audiences to reused media. When reused properly and appropriately, like Weird Al has done, media can be a source of humour, fun, and enjoyment. However, if it is done inappropriately, as in the case of “Like a Prayer”, reuse of media can spark condemnation, protest, and debates over perceived vulgarity.  I have found that, ultimately in my study of two music videos, it seems that remediation is more acceptable if it is done out of light-hearted humour, does not involve religious and cultural symbols or sensitive issues, and is sanctioned by the creators of the original media prior to production.

Figure 1. Kurt Cobain in the original “Smells Like Teen Spirit” music video (YouTube 2011b).

Figure 2. Weir Al Yankovic impersonating Cobain in his rendition, “Smells Like Nirvana” (YouTube 2011a). Note the extreme similarities of remediated costume and setting.

References Cited

Blackman, Guy

     2007   Weird Al Yankovic. http://www.theage.com.au/news/gig-previews--reviews/weird-al-            yankovic/2007/03/19/1174152930142.html, accessed March 27, 2011.

Nirvana: Behind the Music

     2007   VH1. 105 mins. Edgehill Publishing.

Novak, David

     2010   Cosmopolitanism, Remediation, and the Ghost World of Bollywood. Cultural   Anthropology 25(1):40-72.

SongFacts

     ND   Like a Prayer by Madonna. http://www.songfacts.com/detail.php?id=1240, accessed March 27, 2011.

YouTube

     2011a   “Weird Al” Yankovic – Smells Like Nirvana. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FklUAoZ6KxY, accessed March 27, 2011.

     2011b   Nirvana – Smells Like Teen Spirit. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hTWKbfoikeg, accessed March 27, 2011.

     2011c   Madonna – Like a Prayer. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oMCbtyBdZZ4,  accessed March 27, 2011.